ИЛИЯНА БЕНИНА, НИКОЛА БЕНИН
This guide includes reviews of Latin, Arabic, Hebrew, Slavonic, Georgian, Armenian, and Syriac sources on the history of Byzantium and the Crusades from 1025 to 1204, prepared by leading experts in the field. The reviews present a general overview of the sources, describe the main problems associated with their study, and provide detailed bibliographies.
Това ръководство включва обзори на латински, арабски, еврейски, славянски, грузински, арменски и сирийски източници по историята на Византия и кръстоносните походи от 1025 до 1204 г., изготвени от водещи експерти в областта. Обзорите представят общ преглед на източниците, описват основните проблеми, свързани с тяхното изучаване, и предоставят подробни библиографии.
Introduction THE CRUSADES HAVE ACQUIRED A NEW AND URGENT RELEVANCE in relation to the events of the past few years, as a result of which western and eastern, and indeed Christian and Muslim, relations have again become tense and uncertain. In addition, the eight hundredth anniversary in 2004 of the sack of Constantinople by the Fourth Crusade in 1204 stimulated several conferences and academic essays. That event came as an enormous psychological shock to the Byzantines, who were driven from the capital city in which they had lived for nearly nine hundred years, and hardly less so to the westerners. The Byzantines set up a court in exile at Nicaea in Asia Minor, while the crusaders were left to form a Latin government in Constantinople, the fabled capital of an ancient and prestigious empire whose riches they had desired but which they did not understand. The city's greatest treasures were looted and its most sacred relics carried off to western Europe where they served to bolster the claims of Louis IX, later St Louis, to a sacral kingship meant to evoke and surpass that of the Byzantine emperors. This violent clash of east and west was the dramatic culmination of a tension which had been felt since before the First Crusade in 1095. The arrival of western knights in Byzantine territory on their way to the Holy Land confronted the Byzantines with a variety of difficult decisions. The Byzantine historian Anna Komnene presents us with a highly prejudiced and hostile view of the newcomers, in a narrative designed to show her father the Emperor Alexios I Komnenos in the best possible light. In fact his position was unenviable as he tried to deal with these difficult and potentially uncomfortable allies. The story was more complex than Anna suggests; yet the fact was that from now on the Byzantines had somehow to deal with the unwelcome fact of western intrusion into their own territory, at a time when they were also experiencing encroachment by the Turks. Indeed, the Byzantine emperor himself in 1095 asked Pope Urban for help against the Seljuks, and pledged Byzantine assistance to the crusaders. However it was not solely a matter of expeditions launched in the name of religion and with the aim of recovering the Holy Land. The Byzantine empire in this period was in practice experiencing the impact of an aggressive expansion of western Europe, which inevitably disturbed the geopolitical balance. I It is hardly surprising to find that the two sides did not understand each other. On the other hand, it See R.D. Bartlett, The Making of Europe. Conquest, colonization and cultural change, 950-1350 (Princeton, 1993); D. Abulafia, The Mediterranean in History (London, 2003). xxvi Introduction is also true that the mutual hostility present in some of the contemporary sources can make it difficult to appreciate the influence and interaction which were also part of the story. There are lessons for today in contemplating these complex and changing relationships. Recent scholarship has done something to redress the excessively western perspective of research on the period covered by the crusades.'- It has also questioned the applicability of the term `crusade' for every expedition which set out, mostly for the east, after 1095, as well as the appropriate numbering of the major crusading ventures.' However, this book goes considerably further, by showing that the issue is not simply one of west and east, Latin and Greek.4 The changes in the Islamic world clearly need to be part of the story too: the parameters of world power were changing. In order to do justice to the subject, it is necessary to realise the full complexity of the late medieval world, both eastern and western, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and this entails coming to grips with historical sources extant in a whole variety of languages. The starting-point of the book came from ongoing work on Byzantine prosopography, that is, the attempt to collect and analyse all known information about Byzantine individuals. This is the aim of related projects in Britain and in Germany, which were set up with the aim of covering between them the whole of the Byzantine empire from AD 641 to 1261.5 As work proceeded on the British project for the period AD 1025-1261, and especially in view of contemporary events, it became clear that it was necessary to widen the scope of the research to match the enormously more complicated world in which the Byzantines found themselves, in particular the interplay between east and west that now came more sharply into relief. Contrary to popular perceptions, the ' See especially Angeliki E. Laiou and Roy Parviz Mottahedeh, eds., The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World (Washington, 2001). 3 See Giles Constable, `The historiography of the crusades', in Laiou and Mottahedeh, eds., Crusades, 1-22. 4 For the complex questions of western influences on Byzantium during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, see A. Kazhdan, 'Latins and Franks in Byzantium: perception and reality from the eleventh to the twelfth century', in Laiou and Mottahedeh, eds., Crusades, 83-100. 5 John Martindale, ed., Prosopography of the Byzantine Empire, vol. 1 (641-867) (Aldershot, 2001) [CD ROM]; work in progress: http://www.pbw.kcl.ac.uk. This project, now renamed Prosopography of the Byzantine World (PBW) in recognition of its expanded scope, has been mainly financed by the Arts and Humanities Research Council and is also a British Academy Research Project. F. Winkelmann, R.-J. Lilie, C. Ludwig, T. Pratsch, I. Rochow and others, eds., Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit, Abt. I, 641-867: Prolegomena, Bde I-VI (1998-2002); work in progress: http://www.bbaw.de/forschung/pmbz. This project is funded by the Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften. The Palaiologan period is covered by E. Trapp, with R. Walther, H.-V. Beyer, K. Sturm-Schnabel, E. Kislinger, LGh. Leontiades, S. Kaplaneres and others, eds., Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit, 12 fascicles with index, addenda and corrigenda (Vienna, 1976-96). Introduction xxvii Byzantine empire was not simply a Greek empire; moreover it was surrounded and impacted on by a variety of other peoples and states. It was soon realised that no adequate, and certainly no accessible, guides existed to much of the necessary source material in other relevant languages. Thus it was necessary to commission a range of specialists who might fill this need. The essays in this volume, all by leading scholars, present, in many cases for the first time, both overviews of particular bodies of material and detailed analytical bibliographical guides to the historical sources from particular areas or in specific languages. It would be hard to underestimate either the difficulty or the value of this undertaking. The volume provides an entirely new scholarly guide, which will at the same time serve to underline the fact that a traditionally western-centric approach to this period is no longer acceptable. In historical writing, as well as in modern political and cultural relations, it is necessary to try to do justice to all the available evidence and perspectives. The foundations for this volume were laid by a colloquium generously hosted by the British Academy in December 2002, and organised by Professors Judith Herrin and Michael Jeffreys on behalf of the Prosopography of the Byzantine World (PBW).6 It has been edited by Dr Mary Whitby, who has been a member of the research team of PBW since 1999. As the current chair of the committee of PBW (the change of title from Prosopography of the Byzantine Empire to Prosopography of the Byzantine World follows the principles set out above), I would like to pay tribute to Mary Whitby's skills as editor in putting together such a complex volume, with contributions by specialists in such a wide variety of fields. I would also like to thank the British Academy once again for its support of this part of the research of the project, and indeed for its continued support of the PBW project. Lastly our thanks are again due to the Academy's Publications Committee for accepting the volume as a British Academy publication.
Averil Cameron
6 For the history of the project, see also Averil Cameron, ed., Fifty Years of Prosopography. The Later Roman Empire, Byzantium and beyond (Oxford, 2003).
P W: the Project and the Colloquium
MICHAEL JEFFREYS
THE PROJECT `PROSOPOGRAPHY OF THE BYZANTINE WORLD' (PBW) appears on many of the pages of this volume, occasionally explicitly, more often by implication. PBW is a British Academy project now largely funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council, though it has also recently received, after competitive application, valuable additional support from the Academy under different programmes. The geographical limits of the project's Byzantine world are those of the great empire left by Basil II in 1025, as distinct from the shrinking limits of the actual Byzantine empire in the period under consideration. Like all projects involving the Middle East, PBW has re-examined its definitions and scope in the light of events in the first five years of the twentyfirst century: the main result of this review was the colloquium which led to this book, for which participants were asked to consider inhabitants of and visitors to the Byzantine world in the period 1025-1204. Prosopography is the study of a defined group of people as individuals and members of families. It concentrates on personal activities and family identities, thus cutting through generalisations and stereotypes. It is a particularly valuable method of historical research for periods like that under study, when large armies are on the move in east and west and some are settling in newly conquered lands. Some sources for the period speak of the clash of irreconcilable religions and civilisations, and it is true that two major lines on the modern cultural map were confirmed at this time-those between Muslims and Christians and between the Orthodox east of Europe and the non-Orthodox west. But it is important to compare this dimension of struggle with personal enmities and compromises, as individuals at all social levels who were caught up in the changes found ways to survive and make life tolerable, or exploited the situation to their advantage. The mission of the PBW database is to give broad on-line access to these personalities and narratives, providing simple answers to simple questions, but also giving the opportunity to formulate and test quite complex hypotheses. A considerable shift in PBW's original focus was already plain in the planning of the colloquium. Previously it had only one centre, Byzantium. Yet the first four numbered crusades are probably the four most important events in Proceedings of the British Academy 132, 1-4. © The British Academy 2007. 2 Michael Jeffreys the Byzantine world during the period from 1095 to 1204: the Fourth Crusade in fact was the greatest disaster in Byzantine history. The westerly movement of the Turks in the eleventh century is both a major destructive force for Byzantium and also (to an extent which remains controversial) a primary cause of the crusades. Thus it would be impossible to write PBWwithout giving a very prominent place to crusading issues. All the Turkish invaders and conquerors of Asia Minor during this period, like all the western pilgrims and crusaders, were visitors to the Byzantine world, and many remained as residents. All have a place in the PBW database. The capitals of the Seljuk Turks of Konya and the Danishmendids of Niksar (Neokaisareia in Pontos) were part of that world. Of the Christian states in the east, Antioch and Edessa were within the empire of Basil II and so within PBW's definition of the Byzantine world, though Jerusalem and much of Tripolis had not been recovered after being lost to the first Arab expansion of the seventh century. Yet many events in the history of Jerusalem directly concerned Byzantium, or involved travellers who used (and abused) Byzantine roads and harbours to reach there, or included residents of the Byzantine world from Antioch or Edessa, or showed Jerusalem residents active inside that world, in Antioch or Edessa to Jerusalem's north. Only details of the history of Jerusalem which were purely internal or involved those to its east and south are not strictly Byzantine. From the perspective of 2002-5 it makes no sense to prepare a prosopography which covers ninety per cent of crusading activity in the east without adding the last ten per cent. The crusaders were thus included in the colloquium title. Some speakers were invited to address crusading history directly, others to make it a part of their presentations on other groups of sources. The inclusion of Tripolis and Jerusalem in the Byzantine world was an arbitary yet natural corollary, and it has clear positive results. Byzantium, the major regional power of 1025, is the only sizeable platform available fromwhich to survey the crusading period with a degree of impartiality between polarised eastern and western viewpoints. Admittedly Byzantiumwas staunchly Christian, but it lost many eastern provinces to the Muslim Turks in the eleventh century, while its capital and some western provinces fell to the crusaders in 1204, so that it came to look on both these enemies with equal horror. There was always tension between Orthodox Byzantines and the non-Orthodox crusaders, especially near Constantinople. Participants in the colloquium were asked to assess the importance for the Byzantine and crusader world of the particular sources they were invited to discuss. The geographical extent of that world had been defined as the limits of Basil II's empire of 1025, but the criteria for membership of this Byzantine world became a major theme of the colloquium. Some speakers produced explicit advice on the problems posed by their sources or populations; others THE PROJECT AND THE COLLOQUIUM 3 described their material in a more general way, leaving PBW to work out its policies accordingly. Among articles giving direct advice may be mentioned those on Armenian and Georgian sources, where rulers and aristocratic groups often had parallel Byzantine identities; on southern Italy, where Byzantine forms were taken over as markers of distinction for a decidedly non-Byzantine Norman nobility; on visitors from northern Europe, some of whom served as mercenaries of Byzantium; and on Slavic lands, where an ecclesiastical hierarchy centred on Constantinople (and including some confirmed Greek-speakers) may be seen partially to byzantinise a population which in other respects cannot be described as Byzantine. The above comments may help to explain the scope of this volume and the different emphases of different chapters. It may also be of interest to set out the conclusions PBW drew from the papers and from the extensive discussion which occurred in the framework of the colloquium. The first and most obvious was a clear imperative to aim at the inclusion of sources other than those in Greek, together with some Latin and a limited representation from other languages-the texts for whose study PBW was originally funded. Special importance should be given to Arabic sources, because of their large numbers and their political importance, both in the medieval period and in the twenty-first century. An application to the Leverhulme Trust has in fact now enabled the funding of a sister project to PBW, devoted to Arabic sources. The second was a need to present the actual project within the perspective of a wider ideal project covering all the sources in all available languages. PBW should publish results in a framework to contrast that ideal with the partial work which had been funded and achieved. A good deal of time has in fact been spent in the construction of chronological tables to show the sources read and those (from the ideal project) not yet studied. These tables will form one of the points of entry to the prosopography. The third was a response to the extreme difficulty of making a binary division between possible candidates for a place in the prosopography, finding secure definitions to include some in the Byzantine world and exclude others. Outside the central area of Byzantium, the Byzantine identity of most individuals is best assessed as a point on a continuum of possibilities rather then decided simply in the positive or negative. The solution to this problem, reached in discussions at the colloquium, has been to convert this theoretical problem into a practical issue of timetabling the work. The boundaries of the Byzantine world have been set very wide, including those with even slight claims to membership and hence giving greater flexibility. Then work on the prosopography can be prioritised to move approximately from the secure identifications to the insecure, following the guidelines set out in this volume. 4 Michael Jeffreys Finally, the colloquium suggested the metaphor of an umbrella for the overall form to be adopted by the prosopography. The umbrella would consist of different-sized panes of cloth spreading out from a single point of definition, the Byzantine world. Each pane would represent one (or sometimes more) of the categories of sources represented by the chapters of this book. Each would demand different skills (especially languages and cultural sensitivities), and would become a distinct project or project module. At the same time, all the modules together would make up a single large-scale enterprise, an integrated whole to be consulted for fully rounded answers to users' questions. PBW is now approaching the end of the Greek pane of the umbrella, with some contributions to others. At the same time it is seeking to encourage and facilitate a concerted attempt to complete the other panes. In this endeavour its researchers will be among the first and most avid readers of this excellent book. The progress of the project will be recorded on the PBW website, where it is also proposed in due course tomaintain updated versions of the bibliographies in this volume. The URLis: http://www.pbw.kcl.ac.uk
P W: the Project and the Colloquium
MICHAEL JEFFREYS
THE PROJECT `PROSOPOGRAPHY OF THE BYZANTINE WORLD' (PBW) appears on many of the pages of this volume, occasionally explicitly, more often by implication. PBW is a British Academy project now largely funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council, though it has also recently received, after competitive application, valuable additional support from the Academy under different programmes. The geographical limits of the project's Byzantine world are those of the great empire left by Basil II in 1025, as distinct from the shrinking limits of the actual Byzantine empire in the period under consideration. Like all projects involving the Middle East, PBW has re-examined its definitions and scope in the light of events in the first five years of the twentyfirst century: the main result of this review was the colloquium which led to this book, for which participants were asked to consider inhabitants of and visitors to the Byzantine world in the period 1025-1204. Prosopography is the study of a defined group of people as individuals and members of families. It concentrates on personal activities and family identities, thus cutting through generalisations and stereotypes. It is a particularly valuable method of historical research for periods like that under study, when large armies are on the move in east and west and some are settling in newly conquered lands. Some sources for the period speak of the clash of irreconcilable religions and civilisations, and it is true that two major lines on the modern cultural map were confirmed at this time-those between Muslims and Christians and between the Orthodox east of Europe and the non-Orthodox west. But it is important to compare this dimension of struggle with personal enmities and compromises, as individuals at all social levels who were caught up in the changes found ways to survive and make life tolerable, or exploited the situation to their advantage. The mission of the PBW database is to give broad on-line access to these personalities and narratives, providing simple answers to simple questions, but also giving the opportunity to formulate and test quite complex hypotheses. A considerable shift in PBW's original focus was already plain in the planning of the colloquium. Previously it had only one centre, Byzantium. Yet the first four numbered crusades are probably the four most important events in Proceedings of the British Academy 132, 1-4. © The British Academy 2007. 2 Michael Jeffreys the Byzantine world during the period from 1095 to 1204: the Fourth Crusade in fact was the greatest disaster in Byzantine history. The westerly movement of the Turks in the eleventh century is both a major destructive force for Byzantium and also (to an extent which remains controversial) a primary cause of the crusades. Thus it would be impossible to write PBWwithout giving a very prominent place to crusading issues. All the Turkish invaders and conquerors of Asia Minor during this period, like all the western pilgrims and crusaders, were visitors to the Byzantine world, and many remained as residents. All have a place in the PBW database. The capitals of the Seljuk Turks of Konya and the Danishmendids of Niksar (Neokaisareia in Pontos) were part of that world. Of the Christian states in the east, Antioch and Edessa were within the empire of Basil II and so within PBW's definition of the Byzantine world, though Jerusalem and much of Tripolis had not been recovered after being lost to the first Arab expansion of the seventh century. Yet many events in the history of Jerusalem directly concerned Byzantium, or involved travellers who used (and abused) Byzantine roads and harbours to reach there, or included residents of the Byzantine world from Antioch or Edessa, or showed Jerusalem residents active inside that world, in Antioch or Edessa to Jerusalem's north. Only details of the history of Jerusalem which were purely internal or involved those to its east and south are not strictly Byzantine. From the perspective of 2002-5 it makes no sense to prepare a prosopography which covers ninety per cent of crusading activity in the east without adding the last ten per cent. The crusaders were thus included in the colloquium title. Some speakers were invited to address crusading history directly, others to make it a part of their presentations on other groups of sources. The inclusion of Tripolis and Jerusalem in the Byzantine world was an arbitary yet natural corollary, and it has clear positive results. Byzantium, the major regional power of 1025, is the only sizeable platform available fromwhich to survey the crusading period with a degree of impartiality between polarised eastern and western viewpoints. Admittedly Byzantiumwas staunchly Christian, but it lost many eastern provinces to the Muslim Turks in the eleventh century, while its capital and some western provinces fell to the crusaders in 1204, so that it came to look on both these enemies with equal horror. There was always tension between Orthodox Byzantines and the non-Orthodox crusaders, especially near Constantinople. Participants in the colloquium were asked to assess the importance for the Byzantine and crusader world of the particular sources they were invited to discuss. The geographical extent of that world had been defined as the limits of Basil II's empire of 1025, but the criteria for membership of this Byzantine world became a major theme of the colloquium. Some speakers produced explicit advice on the problems posed by their sources or populations; others THE PROJECT AND THE COLLOQUIUM 3 described their material in a more general way, leaving PBW to work out its policies accordingly. Among articles giving direct advice may be mentioned those on Armenian and Georgian sources, where rulers and aristocratic groups often had parallel Byzantine identities; on southern Italy, where Byzantine forms were taken over as markers of distinction for a decidedly non-Byzantine Norman nobility; on visitors from northern Europe, some of whom served as mercenaries of Byzantium; and on Slavic lands, where an ecclesiastical hierarchy centred on Constantinople (and including some confirmed Greek-speakers) may be seen partially to byzantinise a population which in other respects cannot be described as Byzantine. The above comments may help to explain the scope of this volume and the different emphases of different chapters. It may also be of interest to set out the conclusions PBW drew from the papers and from the extensive discussion which occurred in the framework of the colloquium. The first and most obvious was a clear imperative to aim at the inclusion of sources other than those in Greek, together with some Latin and a limited representation from other languages-the texts for whose study PBW was originally funded. Special importance should be given to Arabic sources, because of their large numbers and their political importance, both in the medieval period and in the twenty-first century. An application to the Leverhulme Trust has in fact now enabled the funding of a sister project to PBW, devoted to Arabic sources. The second was a need to present the actual project within the perspective of a wider ideal project covering all the sources in all available languages. PBW should publish results in a framework to contrast that ideal with the partial work which had been funded and achieved. A good deal of time has in fact been spent in the construction of chronological tables to show the sources read and those (from the ideal project) not yet studied. These tables will form one of the points of entry to the prosopography. The third was a response to the extreme difficulty of making a binary division between possible candidates for a place in the prosopography, finding secure definitions to include some in the Byzantine world and exclude others. Outside the central area of Byzantium, the Byzantine identity of most individuals is best assessed as a point on a continuum of possibilities rather then decided simply in the positive or negative. The solution to this problem, reached in discussions at the colloquium, has been to convert this theoretical problem into a practical issue of timetabling the work. The boundaries of the Byzantine world have been set very wide, including those with even slight claims to membership and hence giving greater flexibility. Then work on the prosopography can be prioritised to move approximately from the secure identifications to the insecure, following the guidelines set out in this volume. 4 Michael Jeffreys Finally, the colloquium suggested the metaphor of an umbrella for the overall form to be adopted by the prosopography. The umbrella would consist of different-sized panes of cloth spreading out from a single point of definition, the Byzantine world. Each pane would represent one (or sometimes more) of the categories of sources represented by the chapters of this book. Each would demand different skills (especially languages and cultural sensitivities), and would become a distinct project or project module. At the same time, all the modules together would make up a single large-scale enterprise, an integrated whole to be consulted for fully rounded answers to users' questions. PBW is now approaching the end of the Greek pane of the umbrella, with some contributions to others. At the same time it is seeking to encourage and facilitate a concerted attempt to complete the other panes. In this endeavour its researchers will be among the first and most avid readers of this excellent book. The progress of the project will be recorded on the PBW website, where it is also proposed in due course tomaintain updated versions of the bibliographies in this volume. The URLis: http://www.pbw.kcl.ac.uk
2 Pilgrims and Crusaders in Western Latin Sources JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH PILGRIMAGES AND CRUSADES TO THE EAST THE YEAR 1025 COINCIDED WITH the recommencement of western pilgrimages to Palestine on a large scale after a hiatus caused by the Fatimid caliphate's persecution of Christians in Palestine from 1009 and the closing of the route through the Empire by the Greek government in 1017. In 1026 there was a pilgrimage, said to be of 700 persons, financed by the duke of Normandy and led by Richard, the abbot of St Vanne of Verdun, and his bishop. They were joined on the road by pilgrims from northern France and by a large party, mostly from Angouleme and led by Count William IVTaillefer but also including the magnate Eudes of Deols from near Paris. Thereafter there was hardly a year when we do not have evidence for pilgrims to Jerusalem; and there were certain periods when the stream became a flood. The year 1033 was believed to be the thousandth anniversary of Christ's crucifixion and throughout the decade, during which the shrines in Jerusalemwere partially restored by the Byzantine emperor,t pilgrims from many parts of the west were converging on the city. The next major wave appears to have surged east in the 1050s. Then in 1064 there was a large pilgrimage, recruited in France and Germany and motivated by the belief that Good Friday 1065 fell on exactly the same day of the year as had the crucifixion. The German contingent, led by the bishop of Bamberg, accompanied by the archbishop of Mainz, the bishops of Utrecht and Regensburg, and the empress's chaplain, was estimated-probably grossly overestimated-to contain between 7,000 and 12,000 persons. In the 1070s passage across Asia Minor, now being overrun by nomadic Turks, must have become much more difficult, but the traffic does not seem to have lessened. It certainly increased from the middle of the 1080s, the best known pilgrimage being that of Count Robert I of Flanders in 1085. Martin Biddle, The Tomb of Christ (Stroud, 1999), 77-81. Proceedings of the British Academy 132, 5-21. © The British Academy 2007. 6 Jonathan Riley-Smith A popular route in the eleventh century was through Rome to southernItaly and then, after crossing the Adriatic from Bari, along the old imperial road, the via Egnatia, to Constantinople. But the conversion of Hungary made the land passage through central Europe more secure; pilgrims no longer had to take even the short Adriatic crossing. A third route ran through Dalmatia before joining the via Egnatia. These three roads to Constantinople-down Italy to Bari and across to Greece; by way of Hungary and Bulgaria; andthrough Dalmatia-were to be used by the armies of the First Crusade. FromConstantinople most eleventh-century pilgrims seem to have taken the oldimperial highway to the east. It ran to Antioch, from where they travelled south down the Syrian and Palestinian coasts to Jerusalem. The journey to the Holy Land could be made surprisingly quickly. In 1026 William Taillefer left Angouleme on 1 October and reached Jerusalem just over five months later, in the first week of the following March. Lampert of Hersfeld departed fromAschaffenburg in late September 1058 and was back almost a year later. Gunther of Bamberg left Jerusalem for home on 25 April 1065 and hadreached Hungary by the time of his death on 23 July.'- After the conquest of Palestine by the First Crusade pilgrim traffic naturally grew and although many western pilgrims were now going directly to the east by sea, a substantial number still travelled by way of Constantinople, where, with much of Asia Minor under Turkish control, many of them hired ships for the rest of the journey. This was the route taken in 1172 by the pilgrimage of Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony. Henry was accompaniedby perhaps as many as 1,500 persons: senior churchmen, nobles, knights, ininisteriales and servi.3 The First Crusade, which swept eastwards in at least four waves, was in one sense the last great eleventh-century pilgrimage, but it also instituted a series of crusades, or war-pilgrimages, to the east: in 1107, 1108, 1122, 1128, 1139, 1147 (the Second Crusade), 1177, 1189 (the Third Crusade), 1197 and 1202 (the Fourth Crusade). In addition there were papal summonses, the effects of which have not yet been properly researched, in 1157, 1165, 1166, 1173 (probably), 1181 and 1184. Some of the minor crusades were transported the whole way by sea, but must have taken on water at Crete, Rhodes or Cyprus. The First Crusade and those of 1107, 1122, 1147, 1189 and1202 definitely entered Greek territory. Meanwhile the military orders, or 2 Jonathan Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders (Cambridge, 1997), 25-39. 3 See Einar Joransson, `The Palestine pilgrimage of Henry the Lion', in James Lea Cate and Eugene N. Anderson, eds., Medieval and Historical Essays in Honor of James Westfhll Thompson (Chicago, 1938), 146-225. PILGRIMS AND CRUSADERS IN WESTERN LATIN SOURCES 7 at any rate the Hospital of St John of Jerusalem, had representatives in Constantinople.4 PREVIOUS ATTEMPTS TO LIST INDIVIDUALS The first edition of Professor Hans Mayer's Bibliographie itemises seventythree books and articles on crusaders from localities or on families in the Low Countries, Germany, England, France, Italy and Scandinavia.5 Of these the best known is Reinhold Rohricht's listing of German pilgrims and crusaders travelling to Palestine between 650 and 1291.6 More titles, although harder to find, are indexed in Mayer's more selective bibliography, which was published in 1989.7 Some attempts have also been made with respect to individual crusades: before 1204 the two that spring to mind are my own for the First and the 1107 Crusades8 and Jean Longnon's for the Fourth.9 I believe that Jonathan Phillips is now trying to do the same for the Second. But none of these could claim to be definitive. WESTERN SOURCES Leaving aside the extensive body of vernacular literature, the western sources for crusaders and pilgrims can be divided into the two categories, often defined typologically as `narrative or literary' and 'non-narrative and record', or, alternatively, `library' and `archive' sources.10 But one should not distinguish these types too strictly, since examples which should fall into one category are often to be found in the other. 4 See Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Knights of St John in Jerusalem and Cyprus, c.1050-1310 (London, 1967), 359-60. 5 Hans Eberhard Mayer, Bibliographic our Geschichte der Kreu.
